Looking beyond the economy: Pussy Riot and the Kremlin's voting coalition

The arrest of the protest punk band Pussy Riot (PR) in March 2012 and the subsequent prosecution of three band members pose a significant puzzle for political science. Although PR's performances presented a coherent alternative to the Putin regime's image of Russian reality, it was unlikely that the discordant music and crude lyrics of their art protest would inspire Russian society to take to the streets. Yet, the regime mounted a very visible prosecution against the three young women. We argue that the trial marked a shift in the Kremlin's strategy to shape state–society relations. In the face of declining economic conditions and social unrest, the PR trial encapsulated the Kremlin's renewed focus on three related mechanisms to insure social support: coercion, alliance building, and symbolic politics. The PR trial afforded the Kremlin an important opportunity to simultaneously redefine its loyal constituency, secure the Church–state relationship, and stigmatize the opposition.     

论弗朗西斯科·圭恰迪尼的政治思想

弗朗西斯科.圭恰迪尼(Francesco Guicciardini,1483-1540)是意大利文艺复兴时期最伟大的历史学家和政治思想家之一。对于与圭恰迪尼同时代的马基雅维里,西方学界的研究成果可谓硕果累累,国内学界对马基雅维里的研究也取得了丰富的成果,各类论文专著相继面世。然而与这种状况相比,对圭恰迪尼的研究则显得较为薄弱。然而随着共和主义思想的复兴,圭恰迪尼对于研究当代共和主义的思想来源的重要性已经得到重视。除此之外,圭恰迪尼的分权制衡思想,政治现实主义思想以及诸如国家理性这样的重要政治词汇的提出,对后世政治思想的演进也有很大的启迪性。     

自制海洛因标准品在常用有机溶剂中稳定性研究

目的 研发海洛因标准品及优化分析方法,以对云南缴获海洛因样本提纯制备成的自制海洛因对照品在常用有机溶剂中的稳定性进一步研究.方法 采用内标及GC、GC/MS方法,通过对提纯制备的海洛因在5种有机溶剂中冷藏保存后含量的变化,观察海洛因在常用有机溶剂中的稳定性.结果 乙醇、三氯甲烷及乙腈为溶剂的自制海洛因对照品储备液,保存30天时间范围内海洛因含量未发生明显变化;以丙酮作为溶剂的自制海洛因对照品储备液,在7至30天时间范围内,海洛因含量明显升高;以甲醇作为溶剂的自制海洛因对照品储备液,在0小时至30天时间范围内,海洛因含量一直呈明显的下降趋势.结论 乙醇、三氯甲烷及乙腈可以作为海洛因样品储备液溶剂使用,丙酮、甲醇不适合作为海洛因样品储备液溶剂使用.     

From voter ID to party ID: How political parties affect perceptions of election fraud in the U.S.

This paper uses a survey experiment to assess what individuals understand about election fraud and under what circumstances they see it as a problem. I argue that political parties are central to answering both these questions. Results from the 2011 CCES survey suggest respondents are able to differentiate between the relative incentives of Democrats and Republicans where fraud tactics are concerned, but whether voters see these tactics as problematic is heavily influenced by partisan bias. The results show little support for the notion that partisan ideology drives fraud assessments, and suggest support for the idea that individual concerns for fraud are shaped a desire for their preferred candidate to win. These results offer insights that might be applied more broadly to questions of perceptions of electoral integrity and procedural fairness in democracies.     

新疆南疆阿克陶县社会稳定的调查与思考

新疆南疆社会安全稳定关系新疆、西北乃至全国稳定。阿克陶县作为新疆南疆重镇,有着特殊的地理位置、较为复杂的社情。该县在宗教事务管理、基层组织建设、基层社会管理方面取得了一定的成效,但从当前反分裂斗争的复杂性和尖锐性来看,境内外"三股势力"竭尽全力煽动群众进行各种破坏活动,极端宗教和民族分裂势力的渗透也愈加严重,抵御意识形态领域渗透的任务严峻。需要通过加强边境管理、强化对可疑人员的甄别、核查力度,强化意识形态领域的反分裂斗争,加强推进基层组织建设等方面筑牢社会稳定基础。     

Age,period and cohort analysis in a comparative context: Political generations and political participation repertoires in Western Europe

This paper presents a method for studying age-period-cohort effects in a comparative context where repeated cross-sectional data are available covering a suitably long period of time. The method consists in the application of multi-level models with country as the higher level of analysis and random coefficients to model variables which vary at the country-level. Additionally, the application of generalized additive models (GAMs) and generalized additive mixed models (GAMMs) provides robust empirical tests of cohort categorizations applied in this and previous studies to estimate otherwise collinear effects. To illustrate the method, I derive and test the theory that generations will be differentiated in their patterns of participation based on the ascendancy of certain repertoires in the era of their political socialization.     

The link between social attitudes and voting propensities: Attitude-vote consistency among adolescents in Belgium

Research on the political development of adolescents is mainly focused on political engagement and attitudes. The more complex relationship between attitudes and voting behavior is less studied among citizens under the legal voting age. We investigate whether there is a link between social attitudes and voting propensities among Flemish adolescents, using data from the Parent–Child Socialization Study 2012. We observe attitude-vote consistency for three Flemish parties with a clear-cut ideological profile – the Green, radical rightist and Flemish Nationalist party. Findings show that adolescents' attitude-vote consistency is reinforced by their level of political sophistication. The correspondence between social attitudes and vote choice, however, is not impressive and significantly lower than among experienced adults, leaving room for other influential factors.     

Direct Democracy and Political Trust: Enhancing Trust,Initiating Distrust–or Both?

This study investigates the relationship between direct democracy and political trust. We suggest a solution to the controversy in research centering on positive versus negative effects of direct democracy by analytically differentiating between the availability of direct democratic rights and the actual use of those rights. Theoretically, greater availability of direct democratic rights may enhance political trust by increasing citizens' perception that political authorities can be controlled as well as by incentivizing political authorities to act trustworthily. In contrast, the actual use of the corresponding direct democratic instruments may initiate distrust as it signals to citizens that political authorities do not act in the public's interest. We test both hypotheses for the very first time with sub‐national data of Switzerland. The empirical results seem to support our theoretical arguments.